Fourth Amendment Exceptions Summary Essay

The Fourth Amendment of the United States Constitution requires that no search or seizure shall be carried out unless a warrant has been issued. The exceptions are: searches with consent, frisks, plain feel/plain view, incident to arrest, automobile exceptions, exigent circumstances and open fields, abandoned property and public place exceptions (Harr, Hess, 2006, p. 219). Consent to search any property must be given by t actual owners or, as set forth in the United States v Matlock (1974) by a person in charge of that property. If, for instance more than one person owns a property, only one of those individuals must give consent. There are exceptions to that rule as well. Only commonly shared areas of that property may be searched (Harr,Hess, 2006). Take for instance a family living in an apartment which comprises of a husband, wife and sister to the man. The sister would give consent for common areas, such as the living room, den, kitchen, and bathroom, to be searched and she canno t give consent to allowing the bedroom of the brother and sister in-law to be searched. The husband, on the other hand, could consent to having the bedroom searched because it is there joint bedroom and is not off-limits to him. Other conditions on the searches incident to arrest exception include the use of force, the search of other individuals with the arrested individual, searching the vehicle of an arrest person, contemporaneousness and inventory searches â€Å"if a government agent has probable cause to believe the vehicle contains contraband or evidence of a crime without a warrant† because â€Å"in the time it would take to get a warrant, the car, driver and contraband or evidence could be long gone† (Harr, Hess, 2006. p. 231). The 1981 case of Robbins v. California saw the justifications for searching without a warrant. Those specifications include that the mobility of vehicles produce exigent circumstances.

Story of My Life

I began as a droplet of water, high above the earth, fluffy white clouds drifted through the atmosphere at that time. In the clouds, I lived as a little Droplet of water, round and content with life. For as long as I could remember, I spent my days lying on my back, relaxing and soaking up the sun's warm rays. One day, I took my usual place in the sun but the light didn't seem to be as bright. In fact, as the day went on, it grew darker and darker, loud claps of thunder shook the cloud, and I felt as if I were getting really heavy and I could hardly move.Suddenly, I felt myself falling from the cloud. Down, down, down I fell, farther and farther from home. As I was falling, I saw myself shivering and getting a white flaky color. I didn’t know what was happening at all, and at that same moment I realized what my friend had told me about how I would turn into a solid form. At last I landed on the earth, in the dark green foliage of the rainforest. Around me as far as I could see , were tall trees, dense green leaves, red mushrooms and variously colored insects of every shape and size.Strange creatures surrounded me. The sounds and sights were like nothing I had ever seen or heard before. All I wanted to do was go back home safely. And all of a sudden, the sun came up and the warm rays hit me like I was on a beach tanning. For a moment it felt good, and then suddenly I started turning into liquid, and it felt good to be in motion again. I began seeping through this soft, brown material called soil. I moved slowly through the roots placed in this soil. I began to move around, shifting side to side. Something was coming.It was digging deeper. I was jiggling! I saw teeth and a lot of pink! I waited a bit and saw the sun again, and there it was, what made me jiggle! An animal, a cow! Moooooooooo! It began to eat the grass, just jabbing at it, chewing it, nom, nom, nom! I began to jiggle even more. I thought I might break a sweat! A water droplet and break a swea t? It came closer, and GULP!! I was down its mooing throat! The cow began to sweat, and it was getting hot. I couldn’t comprehend what was happening but then my friends’ words came back to me.The process of respiration was taking place. I was the cow’s source of breathing. I was taken in as oxygen present in water and released as something else. I went from energy to carbon dioxide, lifting back into the air. I saw town’s people along the way; they breathed in oxygen and let out me? I mean carbon dioxide. I was going back up, and from there I went back to my normal life after my little water cycle, and then evaporated with a sigh of relief. I was back to my life of soaking in the sun’s rays!

Assess how national culture impacts on the international business Essay

Assess how national culture impacts on the international business environment, giving examples - Essay Example Trans-national companies like Sony, General Motors, carry a distinct identity of the culture they first operated in despite now having worldwide operations. Quite simply speaking the culture is studied as synonym of culture. We often come across terms like the Japanese culture, the British culture, the Australian culture, or Russian culture. The countries, like Canada, US, UK, and India with many different racial, religious, or regional cultures are called multi-cultural countries. Yet many countries located in a specific geographical area can be bound by the thread of a common culture. For example, the Caribbean countries like Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and Antigua can be referred to as having a common culture. It is very important to describe the word ‘culture’ as it is construed in the context of business management. Some of the definitions offer interesting insights into the importance; the ‘national culture’ has for business leaders, professionals, management gurus and academics. Culture is variously defined (cited by Fougere, 2007) as ‘that complex whole, which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and other capabilities acquired by man as a member of society (Tylor); the collective programming of the mind, which distinguishes the members of one human group of another (Hofstede); a system of values and norms that are shared among a group of people and that when taken together constitute a design for living (Hill). Thus culture is defined as summation of beliefs and capabilities (Tylor), a collective programming of mind (Hofstede) and a plan for life (Hill) (Cited by Fougere, 2007). The cultural norms thus embodied in the collective consc iousness of a people are adopted in daily life in a matter of fact way. These come to be reflected in the work ethos of the business entities. Howsoever, different definitions culture are, there is unanimity of opinion in

Its My Job Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Its My Job - Assignment Example t restore the employee to the same position upon return to work, on condition that if the position is no longer available, the returning worker will be given a new position with a substantially the same benefits, pay, and responsibilities. Jean did her best to compromise by giving Betty a part-time position (presumably commensurate with her previous position) as long as it is permanent position also and not a temporary job. This is also in view of Bettys previous request to work only on the days when her husband is available and be at home to care for the new baby. The exigencies of the service required a full-time employee (Joanne) be put in place of Bettys old position as it is an important job function at the hospital (Kilpatrick & Johnson, 1999, p. 56) 3. The responsibilities of the hospital administrator include ensuring hospital operations are efficient and not disrupted due to absences of personnel (whether on leave or not) and to comply with pertinent labor laws (Bernstein, 2004, p. 330). The department director (who is Jeans supervisor) should make sure all employees are familiar with FMLA and its

Proposal on International Project Management Research

On International Project Management - Research Proposal Example The intention of this study is an international project manager that has the job of reviving business within a completely different situation. He or she has to find out the general formation of the business in addition to its workflow. Within an operational-based business, experienced workforce and capability to carry out these chores is crucial. Technical framework could be an important aspect. For a region-based business, location is essential, and thorough understanding of the country in addition to its way of life is vital. Products may have to be modified according to the host marketplace. An international-based formation may have a diverse set of product lines, every one of which can be prepared and advertised all over the locations. These styles can be merged, although selecting the formation of the business should sustain the company's most important objectives. Several businesses begin by initially starting the fresh administrative centre or â€Å"facility as an export divi sion that falls under the umbrella of Operations or Marketing† - which might turn out to be an International Division in the long run. How this fresh setup best goes along within the parent business's general formation relies on the idea for the fresh location as well as how much the parent business wants to develop. Other alternatives take account of starting a completely owned subsidiary or a joint venture in a foreign country, dealing from an international company to produce goods to requirement, or acquiring materials and / or supplies from an international company producer. ... The aim is to come up with an outcome that will reveal this and presents a solution to cope with these differences. Research Question How the characteristics of different countries along with varying cultures affect the capabilities of international project manager? Literature Review Struggle within the international market continues to rise, mainly among the â€Å"United States, the European Union, and Asian nations† (Biermann & Siebenhuner, p. 192, 2009). Due to this, businesses have to calculate the aggressive setting of the host nation. Primarily, it is useful to realize that the character of competition differs by region as well as by business. A number of countries support an environment of â€Å"pure competition† (Comfort & Franklin, p. 92, 2011); for instance, there may be any amount of retailers, everyone with comparatively tiny market share, with competition supported exclusively by price. Some may be additionally monopolistic. Taking into consideration the ki nd of environment within which an international project manager has to work, guarantees the application of suitable business practices. Risks that are more specific originate from existing competitors, fresh competitors who may as well come into the marketplace, in addition to the negotiating authority of dealers as well as consumers within the host country or area. In addition, several countries' trade settings make penetrating the market complicated as compared to others. National Culture There are several views about what a culture includes. A general idea is that culture is linked with human morals. The standard notion regarding the phrase culture has connections to proper

International Perspective in Organisation Coursework

International Perspective in Organisation - Coursework Example Global justice has been regarded as an issue that has attracted concern among global justice scholars. One of the key concerns about this issue is the fair distribution of global resources and the role of global institutional order in light of global poverty. Corporations should be seen as agents of global justice and (David Held, 2002).A number of questions can be asked about this topic, have organization been successful in the promotion of global justice? What efforts are put by corporations to promote global justice? Some scholars regard corporations as secondary agents of justice in powerful states and can also act as the primary agents for states that are weak or that have failed. However, other scholars present different arguments about the issue of global justice with respect with corporations. Corporations and their business enterprises can bring benefits or can harm the BoP in different direct and indirect ways. For example, corporations bring direct and positive effects on the economies on nations that are developing by the transfer of both managerial and technical skills and knowledge ( Blake 2012). The Rawlsian theory also presents a different perspective on the role of corporations in the promotion of global justice called the dualism theory. This theory advocates for a social cooperation in which major institutions emerge into one system and the equality in the assignment of fundamental rights and duties. Firms can also contribute positively through the use of technology and also advancement of business infrastructure(Rugman and Doh 2008).Firms and corporations can also cause negative impacts on the BoP,for example this can happen directly when the members of the BoP are harmed by the corporation’s products or labour conditions.Indrect harm can occur when the operations and processes of a corporation cause harmful effects on the external environment such as air pollution, water table drainage or the

Portfolio Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 6

Portfolio - Essay Example ess surplus, they may be restricted to use it.Their main aim is not to be successful in terms of prosperity, but to give value to the groups of people they deal with. These organizations target to help people globally (Neal, 2001). Moreover, organizations are self-governing meaning they are separate from the government and they control their own activities and also non-compulsory involving some meaningful level of voluntary services. This is the attraction of funds from other sources to non-profit organizations. An organization’s resources are obtained from the communication of its needs. These organizations have different marketing strategies that are utilized to get money or revenues while spending little of what they have. For a non-profit organization to be financed it should determine whether the purpose of being financed is viable financially. It should ensure that it demonstrates some competitive advantage to ensure program viability. Marketers learn about the stakeholders who are involved for the course of the organization. The agency of these non-profit organizations understand the world of marketing and tactics more than they are given credits and are better than many institutions think and they need to be treated and also understand that an agency may need to raise funds. Communication program: According to McLeish (2011), marketing can be seen as a systematic philosophy and approach used in carrying out business. It is important to understand that marketing requires interacting business activities and reinforcing the premises that each area of management has a task to play to have a successful operation. Pricing: In non-profit organizations, price is the link between the resource allocation and the resource attraction. The company’s price of a product allows it to attract more resources than what they use in the production. Some of these organizations use more than one constituency donors and clients to get more resources for the day-to-day

Ww1, roaring 20s, theodore roosevelt Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Ww1, roaring 20s, theodore roosevelt - Assignment Example He propagated for a government that serves as an agent of reform for the benefit of the citizens. Through his belief in the government, he gave it, more power to regulate big businesses so that its activities did not affect the general public negatively. Roosevelt also revolutionized foreign affairs because he believed America had a responsibility to build a strong foreign policy. In terms of the presidential style of leadership, Roosevelt incorporated charisma into his political equation. He had a strong attachment to the public and knew how to use the media to shape public opinion (Giblin 151). Even after his death, his legacy continues today and Americans continue to commemorate his life. When Germany declared its intentions to resume unrestricted submarine attacks on Allied and neutral shipping areas within the prescribed war zones, President Woodrow Wilson did not find a reason to join the battle. He refrained from asking for a declaration of war on Germany since he doubted whether the U.S. public would support him (Giblin 51). He thought providing ample proof that the Germans intended to attack the U.S. ships without warning would more important instead of seeking support without proof. Wilson left open a possibility to negotiate the situation with the Germans in case they refrained from attacking the U.S shipping. Nevertheless, the German submarines sank several American ships throughout the February and March period, resulting in the death of several U.S. citizens and seamen. Thus, on February 26, President Wilson requested the Congress to allow him to arm the U.S. merchant ships with naval equipment and personnel (Giblin 121). The request proved unfruitful, and Wilson was forced to arm the merchant ships through his executive order. These among other conflicts between the Germany and the U.S. forced Americans to declare war on Germany in order to protect their territory. The 1920s is often regarded as the â€Å"Roaring Twenties,† and

Taxation Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Taxation - Essay Example This way, a universally applicable tax framework will serve to eliminate tax avoidance issues. Another argument for this proposal is based on the premise that; the establishment of such a global universally applicable tax framework will create transparent and comparable information in financial statements (Gassen & Sellhorn, 2006:n.p.). This is because, when all countries and consequent all organizations are applying a globally universal tax framework, they will produce similar and comparable financial statements in all respects, which will then enhance transparency, and consequently help end tax avoidance issues (Ault & Arnold, 2010:47). The application of a universal tax framework globally, will bring a convergence of the International Financial Standards and the accepted National Accounting Standards in different countries worldwide (Ball, R., Kothari & Robin, 2000:44). The convergence of the two set principles will the seal the possible loopholes applied for tax avoidance. First, the regulatory frameworks of different countries in relation to taxation are very different, with some taxable aspects of the incomes and revenues within some countries being exempted from tax in other countries (Hope, 2003:236). This means that establishing a universal taxation system will eventually create inherent flawed tax accounts, which are not suitable for the purpose of inspection by the authorities (Nobes, 2002:72). While financial statements are made for the purpose of the stakeholders of any organization, tax accounts are purely prepared for the purpose of authority inspection and in fulfillment of the necessary tax obligations (Barth & Lang, 2008:469). Therefore, the establishment of one international tax framework will eventually create a conflict between financial accounting and tax accounting. Another argument against the proposal is that; a universal global tax

Essay questions Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 2

Questions - Essay Example One important principle of the modern model of organization is that the sensory system is parallel. This means that information moves between different structures along multiple pathways simultaneously. Another important principle of the modern model is that the system is functionally segregated. This means that structures in the system are comprised of different parts that specialize in different kinds of analysis. A third important principle of the modern model is that the system is organized hierarchically, which means that information flows through brain structures in a specific order based on how functionally and nueroanatomically complex they are. One way the olfactory system is different from other systems is that there is no thalamic relay when sensory activity is transferred to the olfactory bulb. This means that the olfactory system bypasses the thalamus; which controls the flow of information to the cortex. Another way the olfactory system is different is that the receptor neurons of the system are continuously replaced through mitotic division. This continual replacement occurs because olfactory neurons are exposed directly to the environment; therefore the neurons have a very high vulnerability and need to be replaced continuously. One effect of damage to the posterior parietal cortex is known as Apraxia, which usually occurs as a result of damage to the left side of the cortex. Apraxia inhibits voluntary action. One example would be not being able to lift your arm on command. Another effect of this type of damage is called Contralateral Neglect. This damage usually occurs on the right side of the cortex and makes the person unable to respond to stimuli on the opposite side where the damage occurs. People with this type of damage often ignore putting make-up on or shaving one side of their face; usually the left side. Another feature is called motor equivalence. This means that programs are stored at

Should Women Be Allowed in Combat Essay Example for Free

Should Women Be Allowed in Combat Essay For centuries our women have been going into combat, so how come all of a sudden the conflict on whether they should or shouldn’t has become such an uproar. When the women in tribes fought over food and men during our beginnings, those women were undoubtedly in combat. And as the centuries went on, women warriors were not considered that unusual, for example at least 400 women soldier fought in the civil war along side their male comrades, only to be know there gender once killed. So how is it that in today’s society, we are so caught up with the though of women making their way into a male dominant world. Some say it is that women could not deal with the emotions of killing another human being, that we are not mentally strong enough to handle the conditions of a war zone, and although physically they may not be a mans equal but when shooting a gun and being shot at there is no difference. Statistics have not been able to prove that men would be better at the military jobs, but only that history shows the solitary members of the army being men. However with modern technology warfare has greatly evolved and it relies more on So how is that our on There fore howcome, our main arugment is that â€Å"women are not strong enough to fight, women are not capable of the emotions brought through war† This helps to show that women in combat are nothing new, and it is only modern times that we have thought of women as fragile and over emotional. Real women have saved lives, gone in to space, fought wars, invented, financed and designed everything from nuclear fission to radium, and from DNA to COBOL. Real women have overcome as many, if not more, obstacles and hardships than have men. Women pioneered, starved, reigned, battled, spied, strategized, and taught, doctored, nursed, reared families, started churches, and won political rights, yet few magazines, books, movies and television productions tell these stories. Its not a gender thing, its not a sex thing, its not a strength thing a highly trained, highly intelligent, strongly motivated person can do any job the military has to offer and do it well. After all, the Amazons didnt cut off their breasts any more than the Legion of Thebes cut off their testicles and both groups won battles galore! Women have been fighting for the right to be seen mentally and physically equal to the men in the Military, however how can they be seen as equal when the basic physical test has been altered so there is a chance for some women to be accepted in. Women on average only have 60% of the physical strength of men, and when put to the test the top 20% of women equaled to the bottom 20% of men. Men are taught to honor and protect women, boys are taught not to hits girls. I think this makes good sense and is an essential element of our civilization. Sending women into combat utter destroys those values and morals. Women are not suited by temperament or by physical characteristics for the highly aggressive, ultra-violent pursuit of victory in battle. Much of an army’s success depends upon intimidation of the enemy. A force composed of women is far less intimidating than one consisting of macho men. Intimidation of the enemy saves lives in wartime. Already, the side effects of abandoning traditional female sterotypes – likes the notiona that giels are extremely sensitive or have a unique role in nurturing an protecting children are apparent however girls are increasing becoming more in touch with their aggreseive instincest, leading to more girl on girl physical violence. Women should have every right to serve the country, however I do feel that service should stop when it come to front line battle. And those determined to make it to the front line should have to meet the exact same physical and mental critera of those as men. Australia is so terrified of being accused for sexism that we refuse to acknowledge that most of us shudder to the idea and thought of women being sent of to war. If a draft was reinstated, the women who have so called fought to show how men and women can be equal have now placed every other women in a position they were not fighting for.

US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries

US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries Abstract The start of the twenty first century signaled a new beginning for the United States and China in their quest for oil diplomacy with African oil producing countries. One of the characteristics of this venture is the difference in approach both countries follow to attain this natural resource. This research work, therefore, examines the diplomatic measures of the US and China in their negotiations with oil producing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, hereafter referred to as (SSA). In particular, the results they expect or the preferences over outcomes are analyzed. It is not the intention of the study to present a comparative analysis of US and Chinese import figures or to look at their reciprocal relationship. The question is what strategic choices do the US and China make in their interaction with oil producing countries and in what way does such interaction shape oil diplomacy? An important finding is that the US and China develop different strategic paths and policy frameworks whic h strengthen the assumption that the two countries compete for SSA oil. Along these lines, the study investigates the oil diplomacy of the US and China in SSA using the strategic-choice approach as an analytical framework. Introduction In the last decade, the US and China has moved their search for oil security to the African continent. The US and China arrive on the SSA oil scene with their own motives and interests. Their single most important interest is to engage in oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states and secure the safe import of oil from the region. African states traditionally were influenced by colonial powers. However, with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa, the situation is changing. The US focuses on humanitarianism, good governance and democratization of petroleum producing states in their oil diplomacy approach. China, the worlds fastest growing economy, views SSA as a welcome offloading ground for its products in exchange for oil. An economic approach focusing on enlarging its commercial interests is the driving factor for Chinas engagement with petroleum producing states. China needs more raw materials to supply in its increasing domestic demand. Instability in the Middle East, oil dependency and securing its energy interests drives the US to SSA. Keeping a watchful eye on Chinas involvement and monitoring its influence with petroleum producing states is another reason the US is devoting much of its time to this part of Africa. The US interest in the region focuses on the procurement of oil and gas, but with the establishment of the US African Command (AFRICOM), US involvement in SSA shifted in a large degree to the fight against terrorism and safeguarding of American oil operations. Analytical Framework Lake Powell (1999) formulated an approach that makes it easier for students of international relations to explain the choices actors make, whether these actors are states, parties, ethnic groups, companies, leaders or individuals. This approach is used in the paper to explain the strategic interaction of the US and China with oil producing countries and not the strategic interaction between the US and China. The argument is that both countries have independent influencing power and exercise an asymmetric relationship with oil producing countries. In SSA the preferences and beliefs of the US and China in conjunction with the strategic environment are the core attributes on which the strategic-choice approach is based. In the SSA oil environment, there are many beliefs and preferences which have an effect on interaction and the formulation of policy frameworks. What are the oil security preferences of the US and China in SSA, and how is it influenced by the environment? Changes in the behavior of actors are often difficult to perceive in the strategic-choice approach (Lake Powell, 1999). Whenever changes in the behavior of actors do take place, it is primarily done through learning, through changes in the actors environment or by analyzing the actors as more basic actors Lake Powell, 1999). In this study, the methodological bet would disaggregate the actors into more basic actors, such as the individual beliefs of the energy departments, national leaders, multinational oil corporations, bureaucrats and individuals. Frieden (1999: 50) mentions the concept of actors preferences over choices, and how the outcomes affect strategic interaction between actors in the same setting. The preference in a particular setting leads the agent to devise a strategy. Analysts of international relations have long debated how preferences and the strategic environment affect outcomes, jointly and separately. Many debates in the field have to do with whether outcomes are primarily the result of the constraints of the international system or of differences among national preferences (Frieden, 1999:50). A strong variant of realism, for example, implies that state preferences are so overwhelmed by the pressures of interstate competition that all states must pursue essentially identical strategies. A strong domestic, dominance perspective might, on the other hand, argue that different state strategies flow primarily from different national characteristics and preferences. Due to the continuous rise of new issues in SSA oil politics, the argument is that preferences are shaped by environmental factors and thus not static. It will be difficult, therefore, to separate the preferences of the actors from the strategic environment. The assumption is that a cycle of interaction is proposed deriving from the interplay of preferences and strategies. In the SSA oil setting, the US and China in deciding what preferences over outcomes they desire, have to take political environmental constraints into consideration, because the oil-induced political environment is constantly changing. Instability of oil producing countries, corruption, the negative consequences of having oil reserves, bad governance and terrorism are contributing factors to this changing environment. In more stable, homogenous oil environments, the actors preferences are more constant. The environment in North Africa is a region with a more or less stable oil infrastructure, where actors formulate clear, definable goals, separate from such environmental influence. The North African oil producing states of Libya, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt have a strong unifying Muslim culture, and they can shape their preferences around a common goal. In SSA, the environment and the choices actors make are separated, because of ethnic division, religious differences, corruption, instability, bad governance and the gross mismanagement of oil revenues. These factors then make it difficult for leaders to shape preferences without interference of political constraints. In reality, leaders of oil states will base individual preferences on self-enrichment and state goals on the dynamics of interplay between actors in the strategic setting. The main energy security debate for the American and Chinese government in the twenty first century focuses on the concept of oil dependence. Diversification of import channels, safe delivery of imports and establishing reasonable prices are factors that influence the decision-making of policymakers. US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA thus follows different paths. Because both countries arrived relatively late on the oil scene in this part of Africa, were not previous colonial masters, and had limited strategic ties with petroleum producing states, SSA now presents new challenges to the US and Chinese governments in their quest for oil. Engaging in diplomatic talks broaden oil horizons and establish measures along which oil security is negotiated. From the perspective of increasing oil imports and acquiring new exploration and drilling licenses, oil diplomacy is vital for sustaining negotiations on a continuous basis. However, for diplomacy to be an effective tool, the US and China need to formulate preferences or policy beliefs. The next section presents a brief overview of US and Chinese expansion into the SSA oil fields in the last couple of years. The aim is to identify the major oil producing countries with whom the US and China have signed deals and not to present import and expo rt figures. Looking at the allocation of exploration contracts to the US and China by SSA oil producers, it becomes clear that these countries are siding with either the US or China. The point is that diplomacy and strategic interaction are deciding factors influencing the relationship. For example, Nigeria and Angola as two of SSAs major oil producing countries have strong relationships with both powers, but their interaction differ. US and Chinese Expansion into Sub-Saharan Africa Oil Fields The growing expansion of Chinese national oil companies into Africas oil markets is perhaps the aspect of Sino-African relations that most concerns the international community (Taylor, 2009: 37). Chinese firms are actively seeking resources of every kind: copper, bauxite, uranium, aluminum, manganese, iron ore, and more. However, the issues surrounding oil are of particular interest to Western policymakers studying Chinas rise (Lyman, 2006). Indeed, although China and the US do not rely on one another for energy supplies, the possibility that oil will be the subject of future disagreements between them is arguably high and thus has a bearing on much of the commentary on Sino-African energy policies (Zha, 1999: 69). Certainly, there is concern that Beijings procurement of energy supplies will pose a challenge to the global dominance of Washington at a time when levels of cooperation between the two governments on matters of energy are at best weak (Dreyer, 2007: 461). In contrast to t he days of Maoist solidarity, contemporary Chinas economic dealings with Africa are, in the main, based on an unfriendly evaluation of commercial potential. Indeed, to reiterate, Chinas rapidly developing oil requirements have helped propel Sin-African trade at the turn of the millennium (Taylor, 2009: 44). A select listing of recent contracts signed by Chinas national oil companies gives a flavor of the geographical extent of Chinese interest in SSA oil. In 2004, Total Gabon signed a contract with Sinopec for exporting Gabonese crude oil into China. Angola received a US$ billion loan in 2005 in exchange for oil deals with China, which added another US$1 billion to the loan in March 2006. Also in 2005, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation signed a US$800 million deal with PetroChina to supply 30,000 barrels of crude per day to China. In 2006, CNOOC agreed to pay US$2.3 billion for a stake in a Nigerian oil and gas field (Taylor, 2009: 45). Chinese oil companies also reportedl y signed contracts to begin offshore oil exploration and production in Congo-Brazzaville and began oil exploration in northern Namibia with the intent to establish an oil refinery. In addition, Nigeria announced that that it would give the first right of refusal on four oil exploration blocks to CNPC in exchange for a commitment to invest US$4 billion in infrastructure (Taylor, 2009: 46). Clearly, Chinas energy interests in Africa are growing exponentially. Indeed, in 2006, China imported 920,000 barrels a day of crude oil, or 31 percent of its total crude imports, from Africa. Moreover, Chinese national oil companies are still relatively small players on the continent. â€Å"The commercial value of the oil investments in Africa of Chinas NOCs is just 8 percent of the combined commercial value of the (international oil companies) investments in African oil and 3 percent of all companies invested in African oil† (Downs, 2007: 42). A central criticism of these contracts revolve s around the tactics and strategies by which Chinese corporations enter into them. For instance, on February 16, 2006, Chinaafrica, an official Chinese publication, quoted Wang Yingping of the China Institute of International Studies (CIIS), as asserting that â€Å"Chinese businesses pay greater attention to protecting the environment when building factories and exploring for Africas rich reserves in oil†; two months later, it cited, without comment, the assertion by Sierra Leones ambassador to China that â€Å"the Chinese just come and do it. They dont hold meetings about environmental impact assessments, human rights, bad governance and good governance. Im not saying its right, just that Chinese investment is succeeding because they dont set high benchmarks† (Taylor, 2009: 47).  Ã‚  Ã‚   The US is obsessed with oil imports from the Middle East and pays little or no attention to SSA. This region supplies as much black gold to the US as the Persian Gulf States. According to (Donelson, 2008) the region also lend itself to just as much (if not more) danger of unexpected supply disruption. For this reason AFRICOM, the new US military administrative headquarters [one of six regional headquarters (HQs) worldwide] was established. The military demand center is devoted to relations with 53 countries (Donelson, 2008). At the end of 2007, SSA accounted for nearly 16% of US daily imports, versus just over 18% for the Persian Gulf States and just over 18% for Canada. The country in seventh place is Angola with 507,000 barrels a day, just behind Algeria. Chad, Gabon, Congo (Brazzaville), and Equatorial Guinea are petroleum suppliers to the US as well, along with minor players including South Africa, Mauritania, Ivory Coast, Ghana, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa . One country with strong oil reserves is Nigeria, but unfortunately the region is vulnerable to disruption. The destroying of oil pumping stations, pipelines, and other distribution facilities are at the order of the day by rebel groups, opposing the rule of President Umaru YarAdua. According to Donelson (2008), The Bold Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta has sent militants in boats through heavy seas to attack the Bonga oil fields more than 65 miles from land, temporarily shutting down production of more than 200,000 barrels a day. But there are also other groups, such as white-collar oil workers threatening the supply of oil if their negotiation demands are not met. But the main issue the US faces is competition from other countries, especially from China. Donelson (2008) points out that the Angola supplied almost as much oil (465,000 barrels daily) to China as they did to the US in 2007 and that number will almost certainly go up as a report by the Council of Forei gn Relations states: â€Å"Beijing secured a major stake in future oil production in 2004 with a $2 billion package of loans and aid that includes funds for Chinese companies to build railroads, schools, roads, hospitals, bridges, and offices; lay a fiber-optic network; and train Angolan telecommunications workers† (Donelson, 2008: 2). The President of Angola, Jose Eduardo dos Santos served as his partys, (MPLA) representative to China, after receiving his degree from the Azerbaijan Oil and Chemistry Institute in the old USSR. This was shortly before he became president. The relationship between dos Santos and the US is not build on a solid foundation and is to say the least very unreliable. There is no guarantee that the country will live up to its promise of providing the US with a continuous supply of oil, after such a long time of instability and civil war. With two of the top seven U.S. oil suppliers vulnerable to supply disruptions at any moment; is it any wonder that the American military presence in Africa is slated for the major expansion (Donelson, 2008). In a nutshell, before moving on to the strategic-choice analysis, what are the motivations for the US and China to enter the SSA oil market? Trade and economical intentions are high on Chinas African business agenda, offloading Chinese products in the host countries in exchange for oil and other resources. Traditionally, African states relied on western colonial powers for economic aid and influence. However, the situation is slowly changing with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa. The supply of oil in return for investments and other economical incentives are the driving force for petroleum producing states to establish relations with China. SSA is a source of growing importance in the supply of oil. The region is likely to become as important a source of US energy imports as the Middle East. The US is in competition for access to oil, not only to China but also with India and Europe. Therefore, the US interest in SSA includes promoting democracy, good govern ance and transparency in economies of petroleum producing states, along with establishing a strong military command to protect its oil interests and monitor the actions of militant groups.  Ã‚   However, diplomacy is an effective tool if preferences and policy beliefs are formulated around certain goals. This is what the next chapter is going to achieve, investigating the policy beliefs of the US and China and the way it contributes to effective oil diplomatic measures.   US-Sino Oil Diplomacy in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Strategic-Choice Analysis During the twentieth century, US and Chinas preference thinking regarding Africa was greatly influenced by ideological thinking. The contest between establishing democracy or communism in Africa was evident of US-Chinese intervention on the African continent. The US followed liberalization policies to free oppressing regimes from authoritarian, communist rule, while China viewed Africa as an open domain to introduce communism. A result of these opposing preferences by the US and China was that African countries were introduced to different ideological doctrines, which laid the foundation for African countries to establish their own state goals. Hostility of certain petroleum producing states toward cooperation with either the US or China, favoring one state over the other because of ideological and economical preferences, domestic conflict in Nigeria, violations of human rights in Sudan, the war on terror in conjunction with Muslim extremism and the general poor living and health con ditions in SSA, are factors that limit the American and Chinese governments to implement successful strategies. On the other hand, the US and China can certainly benefit from the individual preferences of state leaders and actors in the oil industry. For example, the goals of multinational oil corporations and the individual beliefs of business leaders contribute to the formulation of a national grand strategy for SSA.   In analyzing the strategic interest of the US in the SSA oil setting, the ideological preference of the US to promote democracy and good governance in African countries is a condition when strategies based on democratic principles are to be devised. â€Å"Oil is where you find it. Oil companies cannot always invest in democratically governed countries. It would be ideal if it could be guaranteed that the head of an African country where a US oil company invested was, in fact, an advocate of democracy and always respected human rights. Unfortunately, that is not a realistic expectation in todays Africa or in most other oil producing regions of the world. It is important to urge and cajole and to nudge the leaders of the oil producing countries towards establishing inclusive democracies and good governance† (Wihbey, Schutz, 2002: 4). This is the task of US diplomacy. In Sudan, the US government is supporting the initiatives of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative ( EITI) (The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, 2007). Countries that underwrite the initiatives and programs of the EITI have preferences toward establishing good governance principles in countries that depend on the extraction of natural resources, and to eradicate the exploitation of these resources. Initiatives that seek to promote good governance principles can only be successful if the supporting countries maintain these same good government principles at home. The SSA oil strategic setting allows for many actors, whether they are governmental institutions, non-governmental institutions, non-state actors or individuals, such as the residents of the Niger delta and Southern Sudan and the multitude of multinational oil corporations (MNCs), to formulate their own goals and pursue unique strategies. However, environmental constrains, such as transportation difficulties and inaccessibility of areas in the Niger Delta, further accentuates the problem actors experience to reach solutions on common grounds. Then there are also religious divisions between Muslims and Christians, ethnic conflicts between the different tribes living in the Niger Delta, the self-interested or ambitious goals of MNCs in the central government. These factors are all having an immoralizing effect on the negotiation process. Rebel groups operating from the Niger Delta, some of which pursue their own agendas and others, which are in unison with the goals of religious and ethnic groups, are at the moment taking the main stage in setting preferences for Niger Delta peace talks. The movement for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND)can be cited as a group that has extremely hostile feelings toward the presence of foreign and in particular western oil companies (The movement for the emancipation of the Nige r Delta, 2011). In a January 2006, MEND warned the oil industry: It must be clear that the Nigerian government cannot protect your workers or assets. Leave our land while you can or die in it. Our aim is to totally destroy the capacity of the Nigerian government to export oil† (Hanson, 2007: 2). One can assume from this statement, that MEND has a preference for the protection of their land from foreign invasion. They voice strong, emotional concern over foreign oil workers occupying their land and will take extreme measures expelling these oil workers from their land. Whether, they really are interested in finding solutions to the ongoing delta conflict is an open question. Their findings are that anti-government groups, supporting the goals of Muslim extremists and anti-western lobbyists are greatly responsible for the chaos and anarchy characterizing the situation in the delta. Accusations that western oil companies are destroying the natural habitat of certain fish populations and are responsible for the ethnic conflict are treated with contempt by oil companies, such as Shell and ExconMobil, (Howden, 2006) both which invested heavily in the Nigerian oil industry. Oil operations of these companies are conducted in harmony with the natural environment, and that one of their missions is to protect the Niger Delta from over-exploitation and unnecessary pollution. It is all a question of respecting the rights of citizens living in the area and caring about the natural environment, which is an aspect that is neglected by foreign oil companies operating in the Delta. In making a final analysis regarding the preferences of the actors in the Nigerian conflic t, it is necessary that common ground has to be found between the actors. An environment where actors pursue harmonious interests will be beneficial to all. As long as the local residents view foreign oil workers as intruders on their land, pursuing ambitious, and self-interested goals and not returning revenue into local community development programs, the chances that a final solution to the conflict be reached, are small. If one or both of these powers can accept the role of mediator, laying down guidelines for further negotiations, the negotiation process will enjoy a substantial boost. This mediating role will not only help the conflicting parties, but will in effect put the concept of energy security on the negotiating table. On the other hand, for parties to commence a mediating role, they should have an unbiased attitude toward the conflicting parties. Both these countries have strong and clear intentions to use oil diplomacy to their own benefit and manipulate the results in the SSA oil strategic setting. In SSA, AFRICOM is set out to achieve military dominance on the African continent and establish military strategic partnerships with petroleum producing countries. Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe and Angola along the west coast of Africa are the main hotspots for US and Chinese oil interests. Nigeria is the biggest exporter of oil in the region, and in the last five years had allocated valuable oil drilling licenses to US and Chinese oil companies. Nigeria already supplies the oil needs of these two giants, especially to the US. Sao Tome and Principe and Nigeria (Sao Tome, Nigeria sign oil deal with US-led consortium, 2005) signed a milestone contract to give a consortium led by the US based oil company, ChevronTexaco, rights to drill in the two countries shared Gulf of Guinea oil exploration zone. China has secured four oil-drilling licenses from Nigeria in the last three years. In exchange, China will invest US$4bn in oil and infrastructure projects in Nigeria (BBC News, 2006). Nigeria, Africas top oil exporter, has long been viewed by China as a partner. From the recent contracts allocated by the governments of Nigeria and Sao Tome and Principe to US and Chinese based oil companies, it becomes clear that US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA focus on establishing long-lasting relationships (BBC News, 2006). The giant Chinese state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corporation, CNOOC, has reached a deal to buy a 45 percent stake in a Nigerian oil field for more than US$2 billion. The purchase, if approved by both governments, would be Chinas first major venture into oil-rich Nigeria. Analysts say the Nigerian bid will not be easy for CNOOC, which has no experience in dealing with Nigeria, a country rated as a difficult place to do business. The international anti-corruption group Transparency International ranks the country as the sixth most corrupt nation in the world. The American oil company Chevron did not bid on this block, and that would imply they did not believe the values were there. So this is certainly a hurdle which CNOOC will have to overcome. Chinese and Nigerian governments will sign two important agreements: one on economic and technology cooperation and a memorandum of understanding on developing a strategic partnership. China is offering assistance in the form of building new tanker terminals, refineries and possible pipelines to export the oil from remote regions to the coast for easy loading (Ramirez, 2006). China is streamlining the oil infrastructure in SSA, according to their specific needs. This is an infrastructure that on the one hand satisfies their oil demands, but on the other hand leaves the host country no choice but to become dependent on the Chinese oil expertise.The result is that petroleum producing countries in the long run will be more dependent on Chinese investments to sustain their economies, rather than China being dependent on their oil imports. This interaction clearly indicates that Chinas preferences are shaped on establishing some sort of economic superiority over their oil strategic partners and forcing petroleum producing states to be dependent on Chinese intervention. If China has more control over the oil affairs of host countries, it will give them a stronger bargaining base and increase their strategic advantage. The longterm goal of countries that seek to control the economies of its trading partners is to transform economic gains into security gains, so that in the long run, economics and security are inseparable (Snidal, 1993: 73). When China can control the economies of petroleum producing states, it will have strong incentives to move one step further and create military strategic partnerships. The supply of military equipment, providing of nuclear technology, and perhaps positioning of Chinese troops in petroleum producing states, as overseers of its oil operations, cannot be excluded from its African engagement strategy. By successfully negotiating with petroleum producing states and gaining diplomatic prestige, the other state will immediately be in a less favorable situation. In doing so, the preferences will have a stronger strategic value and gives stronger bargaining power. Strategic values or interests are valued not for themselves, but for their contribution to the protection or promotion of other interests in the future. They are â€Å"interests defined in terms of power†, to recall Morgenthaus memorable phrase (Snyder, 1997: 23). The motivation for the US and China is to try and establish alignments with petroleum producing states. In this way, they their strategic values will be more clearly defined and they can implement strategies to control certain oil fields, offshore oil rigs, pipelines and sea passages. The indication is that the sea around the west coast of Africa, stretching from Nigeria in the north to Angola in the south, is expected to raise problems concerning the transpo rtation of future oil supplies. Because the US and China both have to use these sealanes to transport crude oil and gas, it might become a point of conflict. Determining Preferences Preference determination is typically specified in one of three ways: by assumption, by observation and by deduction (Frieden, 1999, p. 53). The objective with this section is to explore these ways and determine their analytical value in the context of the actors preferences in the SSA oil strategic setting, with the main emphasis being on the US and China. Because the US and China both have energy security interests, they have formulated energy security policies at the national level, and these policies are based on assumptions of realism or liberalism. Determining the preferences of the US and China by deducing preferences from these assumptions will offer one of the most analytically satisfying routes to see what specific preferences they hold in the SSA oil strategic setting. It is easiest to assume preferences. In the principal application in international relations to the preferences of nation-states, the simplest assumption might be that states attempt to maximize national wel fare, or assume that states maximize national resources (Frieden, 1999: 53). A comparison between the preferences of economics and the preferences of international politics shows that there are distinctions with regards to the actors involved and the goals they pursue. In economics, there is limited variation in the cast of characters, particularly firms and individuals. Firms prefer profit maximization and individuals prefer wealth maximization (Niou, Ordeshook. Rose, 1999: 54). However, international politics involves individuals, firms, groups, nation-states, international organizations and transnational actors. The preferences of ChevronTexaco and Chinas Petroleum and Chemical Corporation (Sinopec), may in general terms be homogenous, they are engaged in every aspect of the oil and natural gas industry in the SSA oil industry, including exploration and production, refining, marketing and transportation, chemicals, manufacturing and sales (The leadership functions of Chevron Texaco , 2007). However, the reality is that American and Chinese oil companies operating in SSA are in effect not only serving the interests of the oil industry and acting as channels for the procurement of oil imports for their local economies, but they also serve as useful instruments in the hands of politicians to control and manipulate the oil industries of the agent states. Expansion of US and Chinese oil operations in SSA since the start of the twenty first century are providing them with more power on the continent. The direct result of gaining more power in the oil industry is that the petroleum producing states are getting entangled in a web of either American or Chinese influence. This influence is leading to a state of dependency of petroleum producing states on US and Chinese involvement in their oil industries. In terms of economic considerations, the US and China prefer different outcomes in their oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states. The US regards the pursuing of economical interests a US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries Abstract The start of the twenty first century signaled a new beginning for the United States and China in their quest for oil diplomacy with African oil producing countries. One of the characteristics of this venture is the difference in approach both countries follow to attain this natural resource. This research work, therefore, examines the diplomatic measures of the US and China in their negotiations with oil producing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, hereafter referred to as (SSA). In particular, the results they expect or the preferences over outcomes are analyzed. It is not the intention of the study to present a comparative analysis of US and Chinese import figures or to look at their reciprocal relationship. The question is what strategic choices do the US and China make in their interaction with oil producing countries and in what way does such interaction shape oil diplomacy? An important finding is that the US and China develop different strategic paths and policy frameworks whic h strengthen the assumption that the two countries compete for SSA oil. Along these lines, the study investigates the oil diplomacy of the US and China in SSA using the strategic-choice approach as an analytical framework. Introduction In the last decade, the US and China has moved their search for oil security to the African continent. The US and China arrive on the SSA oil scene with their own motives and interests. Their single most important interest is to engage in oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states and secure the safe import of oil from the region. African states traditionally were influenced by colonial powers. However, with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa, the situation is changing. The US focuses on humanitarianism, good governance and democratization of petroleum producing states in their oil diplomacy approach. China, the worlds fastest growing economy, views SSA as a welcome offloading ground for its products in exchange for oil. An economic approach focusing on enlarging its commercial interests is the driving factor for Chinas engagement with petroleum producing states. China needs more raw materials to supply in its increasing domestic demand. Instability in the Middle East, oil dependency and securing its energy interests drives the US to SSA. Keeping a watchful eye on Chinas involvement and monitoring its influence with petroleum producing states is another reason the US is devoting much of its time to this part of Africa. The US interest in the region focuses on the procurement of oil and gas, but with the establishment of the US African Command (AFRICOM), US involvement in SSA shifted in a large degree to the fight against terrorism and safeguarding of American oil operations. Analytical Framework Lake Powell (1999) formulated an approach that makes it easier for students of international relations to explain the choices actors make, whether these actors are states, parties, ethnic groups, companies, leaders or individuals. This approach is used in the paper to explain the strategic interaction of the US and China with oil producing countries and not the strategic interaction between the US and China. The argument is that both countries have independent influencing power and exercise an asymmetric relationship with oil producing countries. In SSA the preferences and beliefs of the US and China in conjunction with the strategic environment are the core attributes on which the strategic-choice approach is based. In the SSA oil environment, there are many beliefs and preferences which have an effect on interaction and the formulation of policy frameworks. What are the oil security preferences of the US and China in SSA, and how is it influenced by the environment? Changes in the behavior of actors are often difficult to perceive in the strategic-choice approach (Lake Powell, 1999). Whenever changes in the behavior of actors do take place, it is primarily done through learning, through changes in the actors environment or by analyzing the actors as more basic actors Lake Powell, 1999). In this study, the methodological bet would disaggregate the actors into more basic actors, such as the individual beliefs of the energy departments, national leaders, multinational oil corporations, bureaucrats and individuals. Frieden (1999: 50) mentions the concept of actors preferences over choices, and how the outcomes affect strategic interaction between actors in the same setting. The preference in a particular setting leads the agent to devise a strategy. Analysts of international relations have long debated how preferences and the strategic environment affect outcomes, jointly and separately. Many debates in the field have to do with whether outcomes are primarily the result of the constraints of the international system or of differences among national preferences (Frieden, 1999:50). A strong variant of realism, for example, implies that state preferences are so overwhelmed by the pressures of interstate competition that all states must pursue essentially identical strategies. A strong domestic, dominance perspective might, on the other hand, argue that different state strategies flow primarily from different national characteristics and preferences. Due to the continuous rise of new issues in SSA oil politics, the argument is that preferences are shaped by environmental factors and thus not static. It will be difficult, therefore, to separate the preferences of the actors from the strategic environment. The assumption is that a cycle of interaction is proposed deriving from the interplay of preferences and strategies. In the SSA oil setting, the US and China in deciding what preferences over outcomes they desire, have to take political environmental constraints into consideration, because the oil-induced political environment is constantly changing. Instability of oil producing countries, corruption, the negative consequences of having oil reserves, bad governance and terrorism are contributing factors to this changing environment. In more stable, homogenous oil environments, the actors preferences are more constant. The environment in North Africa is a region with a more or less stable oil infrastructure, where actors formulate clear, definable goals, separate from such environmental influence. The North African oil producing states of Libya, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt have a strong unifying Muslim culture, and they can shape their preferences around a common goal. In SSA, the environment and the choices actors make are separated, because of ethnic division, religious differences, corruption, instability, bad governance and the gross mismanagement of oil revenues. These factors then make it difficult for leaders to shape preferences without interference of political constraints. In reality, leaders of oil states will base individual preferences on self-enrichment and state goals on the dynamics of interplay between actors in the strategic setting. The main energy security debate for the American and Chinese government in the twenty first century focuses on the concept of oil dependence. Diversification of import channels, safe delivery of imports and establishing reasonable prices are factors that influence the decision-making of policymakers. US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA thus follows different paths. Because both countries arrived relatively late on the oil scene in this part of Africa, were not previous colonial masters, and had limited strategic ties with petroleum producing states, SSA now presents new challenges to the US and Chinese governments in their quest for oil. Engaging in diplomatic talks broaden oil horizons and establish measures along which oil security is negotiated. From the perspective of increasing oil imports and acquiring new exploration and drilling licenses, oil diplomacy is vital for sustaining negotiations on a continuous basis. However, for diplomacy to be an effective tool, the US and China need to formulate preferences or policy beliefs. The next section presents a brief overview of US and Chinese expansion into the SSA oil fields in the last couple of years. The aim is to identify the major oil producing countries with whom the US and China have signed deals and not to present import and expo rt figures. Looking at the allocation of exploration contracts to the US and China by SSA oil producers, it becomes clear that these countries are siding with either the US or China. The point is that diplomacy and strategic interaction are deciding factors influencing the relationship. For example, Nigeria and Angola as two of SSAs major oil producing countries have strong relationships with both powers, but their interaction differ. US and Chinese Expansion into Sub-Saharan Africa Oil Fields The growing expansion of Chinese national oil companies into Africas oil markets is perhaps the aspect of Sino-African relations that most concerns the international community (Taylor, 2009: 37). Chinese firms are actively seeking resources of every kind: copper, bauxite, uranium, aluminum, manganese, iron ore, and more. However, the issues surrounding oil are of particular interest to Western policymakers studying Chinas rise (Lyman, 2006). Indeed, although China and the US do not rely on one another for energy supplies, the possibility that oil will be the subject of future disagreements between them is arguably high and thus has a bearing on much of the commentary on Sino-African energy policies (Zha, 1999: 69). Certainly, there is concern that Beijings procurement of energy supplies will pose a challenge to the global dominance of Washington at a time when levels of cooperation between the two governments on matters of energy are at best weak (Dreyer, 2007: 461). In contrast to t he days of Maoist solidarity, contemporary Chinas economic dealings with Africa are, in the main, based on an unfriendly evaluation of commercial potential. Indeed, to reiterate, Chinas rapidly developing oil requirements have helped propel Sin-African trade at the turn of the millennium (Taylor, 2009: 44). A select listing of recent contracts signed by Chinas national oil companies gives a flavor of the geographical extent of Chinese interest in SSA oil. In 2004, Total Gabon signed a contract with Sinopec for exporting Gabonese crude oil into China. Angola received a US$ billion loan in 2005 in exchange for oil deals with China, which added another US$1 billion to the loan in March 2006. Also in 2005, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation signed a US$800 million deal with PetroChina to supply 30,000 barrels of crude per day to China. In 2006, CNOOC agreed to pay US$2.3 billion for a stake in a Nigerian oil and gas field (Taylor, 2009: 45). Chinese oil companies also reportedl y signed contracts to begin offshore oil exploration and production in Congo-Brazzaville and began oil exploration in northern Namibia with the intent to establish an oil refinery. In addition, Nigeria announced that that it would give the first right of refusal on four oil exploration blocks to CNPC in exchange for a commitment to invest US$4 billion in infrastructure (Taylor, 2009: 46). Clearly, Chinas energy interests in Africa are growing exponentially. Indeed, in 2006, China imported 920,000 barrels a day of crude oil, or 31 percent of its total crude imports, from Africa. Moreover, Chinese national oil companies are still relatively small players on the continent. â€Å"The commercial value of the oil investments in Africa of Chinas NOCs is just 8 percent of the combined commercial value of the (international oil companies) investments in African oil and 3 percent of all companies invested in African oil† (Downs, 2007: 42). A central criticism of these contracts revolve s around the tactics and strategies by which Chinese corporations enter into them. For instance, on February 16, 2006, Chinaafrica, an official Chinese publication, quoted Wang Yingping of the China Institute of International Studies (CIIS), as asserting that â€Å"Chinese businesses pay greater attention to protecting the environment when building factories and exploring for Africas rich reserves in oil†; two months later, it cited, without comment, the assertion by Sierra Leones ambassador to China that â€Å"the Chinese just come and do it. They dont hold meetings about environmental impact assessments, human rights, bad governance and good governance. Im not saying its right, just that Chinese investment is succeeding because they dont set high benchmarks† (Taylor, 2009: 47).  Ã‚  Ã‚   The US is obsessed with oil imports from the Middle East and pays little or no attention to SSA. This region supplies as much black gold to the US as the Persian Gulf States. According to (Donelson, 2008) the region also lend itself to just as much (if not more) danger of unexpected supply disruption. For this reason AFRICOM, the new US military administrative headquarters [one of six regional headquarters (HQs) worldwide] was established. The military demand center is devoted to relations with 53 countries (Donelson, 2008). At the end of 2007, SSA accounted for nearly 16% of US daily imports, versus just over 18% for the Persian Gulf States and just over 18% for Canada. The country in seventh place is Angola with 507,000 barrels a day, just behind Algeria. Chad, Gabon, Congo (Brazzaville), and Equatorial Guinea are petroleum suppliers to the US as well, along with minor players including South Africa, Mauritania, Ivory Coast, Ghana, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa . One country with strong oil reserves is Nigeria, but unfortunately the region is vulnerable to disruption. The destroying of oil pumping stations, pipelines, and other distribution facilities are at the order of the day by rebel groups, opposing the rule of President Umaru YarAdua. According to Donelson (2008), The Bold Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta has sent militants in boats through heavy seas to attack the Bonga oil fields more than 65 miles from land, temporarily shutting down production of more than 200,000 barrels a day. But there are also other groups, such as white-collar oil workers threatening the supply of oil if their negotiation demands are not met. But the main issue the US faces is competition from other countries, especially from China. Donelson (2008) points out that the Angola supplied almost as much oil (465,000 barrels daily) to China as they did to the US in 2007 and that number will almost certainly go up as a report by the Council of Forei gn Relations states: â€Å"Beijing secured a major stake in future oil production in 2004 with a $2 billion package of loans and aid that includes funds for Chinese companies to build railroads, schools, roads, hospitals, bridges, and offices; lay a fiber-optic network; and train Angolan telecommunications workers† (Donelson, 2008: 2). The President of Angola, Jose Eduardo dos Santos served as his partys, (MPLA) representative to China, after receiving his degree from the Azerbaijan Oil and Chemistry Institute in the old USSR. This was shortly before he became president. The relationship between dos Santos and the US is not build on a solid foundation and is to say the least very unreliable. There is no guarantee that the country will live up to its promise of providing the US with a continuous supply of oil, after such a long time of instability and civil war. With two of the top seven U.S. oil suppliers vulnerable to supply disruptions at any moment; is it any wonder that the American military presence in Africa is slated for the major expansion (Donelson, 2008). In a nutshell, before moving on to the strategic-choice analysis, what are the motivations for the US and China to enter the SSA oil market? Trade and economical intentions are high on Chinas African business agenda, offloading Chinese products in the host countries in exchange for oil and other resources. Traditionally, African states relied on western colonial powers for economic aid and influence. However, the situation is slowly changing with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa. The supply of oil in return for investments and other economical incentives are the driving force for petroleum producing states to establish relations with China. SSA is a source of growing importance in the supply of oil. The region is likely to become as important a source of US energy imports as the Middle East. The US is in competition for access to oil, not only to China but also with India and Europe. Therefore, the US interest in SSA includes promoting democracy, good govern ance and transparency in economies of petroleum producing states, along with establishing a strong military command to protect its oil interests and monitor the actions of militant groups.  Ã‚   However, diplomacy is an effective tool if preferences and policy beliefs are formulated around certain goals. This is what the next chapter is going to achieve, investigating the policy beliefs of the US and China and the way it contributes to effective oil diplomatic measures.   US-Sino Oil Diplomacy in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Strategic-Choice Analysis During the twentieth century, US and Chinas preference thinking regarding Africa was greatly influenced by ideological thinking. The contest between establishing democracy or communism in Africa was evident of US-Chinese intervention on the African continent. The US followed liberalization policies to free oppressing regimes from authoritarian, communist rule, while China viewed Africa as an open domain to introduce communism. A result of these opposing preferences by the US and China was that African countries were introduced to different ideological doctrines, which laid the foundation for African countries to establish their own state goals. Hostility of certain petroleum producing states toward cooperation with either the US or China, favoring one state over the other because of ideological and economical preferences, domestic conflict in Nigeria, violations of human rights in Sudan, the war on terror in conjunction with Muslim extremism and the general poor living and health con ditions in SSA, are factors that limit the American and Chinese governments to implement successful strategies. On the other hand, the US and China can certainly benefit from the individual preferences of state leaders and actors in the oil industry. For example, the goals of multinational oil corporations and the individual beliefs of business leaders contribute to the formulation of a national grand strategy for SSA.   In analyzing the strategic interest of the US in the SSA oil setting, the ideological preference of the US to promote democracy and good governance in African countries is a condition when strategies based on democratic principles are to be devised. â€Å"Oil is where you find it. Oil companies cannot always invest in democratically governed countries. It would be ideal if it could be guaranteed that the head of an African country where a US oil company invested was, in fact, an advocate of democracy and always respected human rights. Unfortunately, that is not a realistic expectation in todays Africa or in most other oil producing regions of the world. It is important to urge and cajole and to nudge the leaders of the oil producing countries towards establishing inclusive democracies and good governance† (Wihbey, Schutz, 2002: 4). This is the task of US diplomacy. In Sudan, the US government is supporting the initiatives of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative ( EITI) (The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, 2007). Countries that underwrite the initiatives and programs of the EITI have preferences toward establishing good governance principles in countries that depend on the extraction of natural resources, and to eradicate the exploitation of these resources. Initiatives that seek to promote good governance principles can only be successful if the supporting countries maintain these same good government principles at home. The SSA oil strategic setting allows for many actors, whether they are governmental institutions, non-governmental institutions, non-state actors or individuals, such as the residents of the Niger delta and Southern Sudan and the multitude of multinational oil corporations (MNCs), to formulate their own goals and pursue unique strategies. However, environmental constrains, such as transportation difficulties and inaccessibility of areas in the Niger Delta, further accentuates the problem actors experience to reach solutions on common grounds. Then there are also religious divisions between Muslims and Christians, ethnic conflicts between the different tribes living in the Niger Delta, the self-interested or ambitious goals of MNCs in the central government. These factors are all having an immoralizing effect on the negotiation process. Rebel groups operating from the Niger Delta, some of which pursue their own agendas and others, which are in unison with the goals of religious and ethnic groups, are at the moment taking the main stage in setting preferences for Niger Delta peace talks. The movement for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND)can be cited as a group that has extremely hostile feelings toward the presence of foreign and in particular western oil companies (The movement for the emancipation of the Nige r Delta, 2011). In a January 2006, MEND warned the oil industry: It must be clear that the Nigerian government cannot protect your workers or assets. Leave our land while you can or die in it. Our aim is to totally destroy the capacity of the Nigerian government to export oil† (Hanson, 2007: 2). One can assume from this statement, that MEND has a preference for the protection of their land from foreign invasion. They voice strong, emotional concern over foreign oil workers occupying their land and will take extreme measures expelling these oil workers from their land. Whether, they really are interested in finding solutions to the ongoing delta conflict is an open question. Their findings are that anti-government groups, supporting the goals of Muslim extremists and anti-western lobbyists are greatly responsible for the chaos and anarchy characterizing the situation in the delta. Accusations that western oil companies are destroying the natural habitat of certain fish populations and are responsible for the ethnic conflict are treated with contempt by oil companies, such as Shell and ExconMobil, (Howden, 2006) both which invested heavily in the Nigerian oil industry. Oil operations of these companies are conducted in harmony with the natural environment, and that one of their missions is to protect the Niger Delta from over-exploitation and unnecessary pollution. It is all a question of respecting the rights of citizens living in the area and caring about the natural environment, which is an aspect that is neglected by foreign oil companies operating in the Delta. In making a final analysis regarding the preferences of the actors in the Nigerian conflic t, it is necessary that common ground has to be found between the actors. An environment where actors pursue harmonious interests will be beneficial to all. As long as the local residents view foreign oil workers as intruders on their land, pursuing ambitious, and self-interested goals and not returning revenue into local community development programs, the chances that a final solution to the conflict be reached, are small. If one or both of these powers can accept the role of mediator, laying down guidelines for further negotiations, the negotiation process will enjoy a substantial boost. This mediating role will not only help the conflicting parties, but will in effect put the concept of energy security on the negotiating table. On the other hand, for parties to commence a mediating role, they should have an unbiased attitude toward the conflicting parties. Both these countries have strong and clear intentions to use oil diplomacy to their own benefit and manipulate the results in the SSA oil strategic setting. In SSA, AFRICOM is set out to achieve military dominance on the African continent and establish military strategic partnerships with petroleum producing countries. Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe and Angola along the west coast of Africa are the main hotspots for US and Chinese oil interests. Nigeria is the biggest exporter of oil in the region, and in the last five years had allocated valuable oil drilling licenses to US and Chinese oil companies. Nigeria already supplies the oil needs of these two giants, especially to the US. Sao Tome and Principe and Nigeria (Sao Tome, Nigeria sign oil deal with US-led consortium, 2005) signed a milestone contract to give a consortium led by the US based oil company, ChevronTexaco, rights to drill in the two countries shared Gulf of Guinea oil exploration zone. China has secured four oil-drilling licenses from Nigeria in the last three years. In exchange, China will invest US$4bn in oil and infrastructure projects in Nigeria (BBC News, 2006). Nigeria, Africas top oil exporter, has long been viewed by China as a partner. From the recent contracts allocated by the governments of Nigeria and Sao Tome and Principe to US and Chinese based oil companies, it becomes clear that US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA focus on establishing long-lasting relationships (BBC News, 2006). The giant Chinese state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corporation, CNOOC, has reached a deal to buy a 45 percent stake in a Nigerian oil field for more than US$2 billion. The purchase, if approved by both governments, would be Chinas first major venture into oil-rich Nigeria. Analysts say the Nigerian bid will not be easy for CNOOC, which has no experience in dealing with Nigeria, a country rated as a difficult place to do business. The international anti-corruption group Transparency International ranks the country as the sixth most corrupt nation in the world. The American oil company Chevron did not bid on this block, and that would imply they did not believe the values were there. So this is certainly a hurdle which CNOOC will have to overcome. Chinese and Nigerian governments will sign two important agreements: one on economic and technology cooperation and a memorandum of understanding on developing a strategic partnership. China is offering assistance in the form of building new tanker terminals, refineries and possible pipelines to export the oil from remote regions to the coast for easy loading (Ramirez, 2006). China is streamlining the oil infrastructure in SSA, according to their specific needs. This is an infrastructure that on the one hand satisfies their oil demands, but on the other hand leaves the host country no choice but to become dependent on the Chinese oil expertise.The result is that petroleum producing countries in the long run will be more dependent on Chinese investments to sustain their economies, rather than China being dependent on their oil imports. This interaction clearly indicates that Chinas preferences are shaped on establishing some sort of economic superiority over their oil strategic partners and forcing petroleum producing states to be dependent on Chinese intervention. If China has more control over the oil affairs of host countries, it will give them a stronger bargaining base and increase their strategic advantage. The longterm goal of countries that seek to control the economies of its trading partners is to transform economic gains into security gains, so that in the long run, economics and security are inseparable (Snidal, 1993: 73). When China can control the economies of petroleum producing states, it will have strong incentives to move one step further and create military strategic partnerships. The supply of military equipment, providing of nuclear technology, and perhaps positioning of Chinese troops in petroleum producing states, as overseers of its oil operations, cannot be excluded from its African engagement strategy. By successfully negotiating with petroleum producing states and gaining diplomatic prestige, the other state will immediately be in a less favorable situation. In doing so, the preferences will have a stronger strategic value and gives stronger bargaining power. Strategic values or interests are valued not for themselves, but for their contribution to the protection or promotion of other interests in the future. They are â€Å"interests defined in terms of power†, to recall Morgenthaus memorable phrase (Snyder, 1997: 23). The motivation for the US and China is to try and establish alignments with petroleum producing states. In this way, they their strategic values will be more clearly defined and they can implement strategies to control certain oil fields, offshore oil rigs, pipelines and sea passages. The indication is that the sea around the west coast of Africa, stretching from Nigeria in the north to Angola in the south, is expected to raise problems concerning the transpo rtation of future oil supplies. Because the US and China both have to use these sealanes to transport crude oil and gas, it might become a point of conflict. Determining Preferences Preference determination is typically specified in one of three ways: by assumption, by observation and by deduction (Frieden, 1999, p. 53). The objective with this section is to explore these ways and determine their analytical value in the context of the actors preferences in the SSA oil strategic setting, with the main emphasis being on the US and China. Because the US and China both have energy security interests, they have formulated energy security policies at the national level, and these policies are based on assumptions of realism or liberalism. Determining the preferences of the US and China by deducing preferences from these assumptions will offer one of the most analytically satisfying routes to see what specific preferences they hold in the SSA oil strategic setting. It is easiest to assume preferences. In the principal application in international relations to the preferences of nation-states, the simplest assumption might be that states attempt to maximize national wel fare, or assume that states maximize national resources (Frieden, 1999: 53). A comparison between the preferences of economics and the preferences of international politics shows that there are distinctions with regards to the actors involved and the goals they pursue. In economics, there is limited variation in the cast of characters, particularly firms and individuals. Firms prefer profit maximization and individuals prefer wealth maximization (Niou, Ordeshook. Rose, 1999: 54). However, international politics involves individuals, firms, groups, nation-states, international organizations and transnational actors. The preferences of ChevronTexaco and Chinas Petroleum and Chemical Corporation (Sinopec), may in general terms be homogenous, they are engaged in every aspect of the oil and natural gas industry in the SSA oil industry, including exploration and production, refining, marketing and transportation, chemicals, manufacturing and sales (The leadership functions of Chevron Texaco , 2007). However, the reality is that American and Chinese oil companies operating in SSA are in effect not only serving the interests of the oil industry and acting as channels for the procurement of oil imports for their local economies, but they also serve as useful instruments in the hands of politicians to control and manipulate the oil industries of the agent states. Expansion of US and Chinese oil operations in SSA since the start of the twenty first century are providing them with more power on the continent. The direct result of gaining more power in the oil industry is that the petroleum producing states are getting entangled in a web of either American or Chinese influence. This influence is leading to a state of dependency of petroleum producing states on US and Chinese involvement in their oil industries. In terms of economic considerations, the US and China prefer different outcomes in their oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states. The US regards the pursuing of economical interests a

Cultural Integration Experiences Of Migrants Social Work Essay

Cultural Integration Experiences Of Migrants Social Work Essay Abstract Recent years have seen an increase in the number of migrant in Ireland, Ireland has become so diversified, there are different nationalities and races that now live in Ireland for one reason or the other. In modern Ireland, There are Africans, African Americans, white Americans, Asians, Chinese, Europeans, Latinos and so on now represented in Ireland. There are also different ethnic groups like, the Albenia, Iraq, Spanish, Canadian, Ethiopians, Russian, Moroccans and so on. All these people have decided to make Ireland their home for different reasons some are job seekers, some refugees, some Asylum seekers, some students and so on. All these migrants have their own cultures, material cultures and also inmaterial cultures. They have different norms, values and so on which means a lot to them which most of the time, they find very difficult to let go. In regards of these, Irish culture has also been a part of their life. A society is rarely culturally uniformed, this makes society an interesting place, there are many ways of life in one society (cultural diversity). Cultural diversity makes a society interesting but more complex to understand as society develops, different cultures and traditions appear. Most migrant however, love to hold on to their own beliefs and traditions whether we accept it or not which sometimes lead to an in -cohesive society and an in- cohesive society is an unstable society. To have a stable society therefore, the government of Ireland thought integrating migrant in different ways especially integrating them culturally will help, integration helps to understand cultural differences and beliefs that bring a more cohesive society and a more cohesive society will invariably aid a nations economic productivity and performance. The importance of integration in a diversify society cannot be overemphasized, its importance is beneficial to the country both nationally and internationally as it has been noted that while people integrate easily in so many others ways, they find it more difficult to integrate culturally this is not to say they do not integrate at all culturally. This research however, aims at investigating and understanding issues of cultural integration amongst members of a society using community in Clonee Dublin 15 as a case study. In Clonee there are lots of ethnic minorities. The research aims at getting a greater idea on what promotes and debar integration especially as it is believed that there is little integration of migrants in Ireland. The research will further want to know what Irish and immigrant comprehends as integration in their community and if there is little or total integration amongst migrant and indigenes in the community. Furthermore, the research will want to find out how regularly migrants participate in different functions, activities or opportunities available for integration in their community and what factors and issues hinders migrants as being part of a community. The researcher wants to acquire different opinion from different nationalities in the community on integration issues and will do this by investigating how integration affects migrants, their families and community as a whole and also explore challenges faced by migrant on a daily basis. The research will finally investigate if there are policies available to support migrants integration, if these policies are implemented, and how does it ensure a cohesive society. A qualitative method of research will be use for this research, the method of data analysis will be use in conducting Interviews with people to understand the way of life of migrants their beliefs, attitudes and values. Introduction Ireland has become a diversified society that consists of different nationalities, different race, with different cultural norms, beliefs and so on. From statistics, the number of immigrant in Ireland has increased significantly in the last years (Central statistics office (CSO), 2011) . People have migrated to Ireland due to different reasons; different legal status, asylum seekers, programme refugee, migrant worker, and also different circumstances for example international student, Irish born child, spouse of someone working for a multi-national corporation and so on.(Fanning and Rush 2006, P.95) In Ireland it is a common assumption that there is little or no integration of migrants in their community. This research is based on understanding and investigating the issues surrounding migrant integration in their community and to investigate the experiences migrant have in their community. To know to what extent migrant integrate in their community, do they integrate fully or partially, what factors helps them integrate fully, and what factors hinder them from integrating in their community. Present Ireland, is rich in cultures with people from different races (Europeans, Africans, African Americans, White Americans, Asians, Chinese, Latinos), ethnic groups (Albernian, Spanish, Iraq, Nigerian, Canadian, Ethiopian, Russian, Moroccans etc) and cultures that all live together. It has been observed by different people that due to vast differences across nationalities and within cultural and ethnic groups, people tend to naturally want to affiliate with members of their own national origin. For example, Africans who have settled in Ireland feel they are part of an African Community (Fanning and Rush 2006 P.95) for example we have some communities like, the Ghanaians community, Rwandans community and so on. It has also been observe that some migrant and even the children raised here consider themselves to be African -Irish and wishes to associate themselves with people from their African origin Having said that who then are migrants? Migrants are persons who live temporarily or permanently in a country where he or she was not born, and has acquired some significant social ties to this country. (United Nations Non-Governmental Liason Service, 2002) The researcher will want to know if migrants maintain their culture or let go of their culture since they arrive in Ireland as it is a common believe that people are proud of their culture and find it difficult to let go and also to know if there are lots of opportunity for migrants to integrate into their community. Irish government recognises the fact that Ireland has become a diverse society, they recognise the importance of cohesion and stability in the country and so they have strived to ensure integration amongst migrants and Irish (The Department of Justice and Equality 2011). They have developed different policies to protect the migrants and the minority, but despite their effort there is still assumption that there is little or no integration amongst migrant and indigenes. What is integration? Integration is the ability to participate to the extent that the person needs and wishes in all the major component of society is met without having to relinquish his or her own cultural identity (Fanning 2002, P.107). From the sociological perspective integration is regarded as a quality of a social system. Integration is referred to as a society which is made up of member groups or individual that are socially combined and that relates with one another. (Entzinger and Biezeveld, 2003). Furthermore, cultural integration, cultural integration is the affiliation that exists between different cultural backgrounds that enables people learn about material and in- material culture. It also a process where people accept or reject the process of change which is known as globalisation however people need to preserve their own identity (Zwingle, 1999). Cultural integration requires that culture of each immigrant group is described in terms of its components and then compared to the host country. (Hagendoorn et al 2003,p.3) Barton, (1989) says integration is controversial because it tends to open emotions and feelings which can cause pain and difficulties and can raise concerns. According to Larkin (2009), integration helps to provide moral and emotional support to families from other cultures and it helps include them to access resources in the community. There are lots of ways by which the community could help facilitate a cohesive environment for people living in the community for example the survey in U.K by Ipos MORI(2007) shows that migrants involvement and communication between groups has supported integration. For example English language programmes organised for migrants has helped built a cohesive community.(cited in Somerville, 2011) The rationale behind this research topic is to investigate the issues of integration amongst communities in Ireland using Clonee a community in Dublin as a case study. To know if migrant integrate or do not integrate in their community in Ireland. To ascertain and gain awareness into why migrants integrate and why they do not integrate. In addition, it aims at knowing the views of the residents in Clonee community in Blanchardstown on integration issues, also to know, what the government has done to help make migrant integrate well in their community. It was thought that it is an appropriate research topic in social care as it is a relevant issue that affects people in Ireland. Social care workers are expected to work with migrants and it is important for them to understand issues around cultural integration. The researcher is a migrant in Ireland who also has children who are Irish by birth, from speaking with other immigrant like herself, she understand that in as much as migrant wishes to integrate culturally, they still prefer to retain some aspect of their own culture for example, the importance of respect for elders, that elders cannot be called by their first name by someone younger than him/her. The researcher is very much informed and passionate about the research. As a migrant, she knows what is going on amongst migrants community and really loves to see more integration amongst members of communities in Ireland. This enthusiasm and general interest she thought would help in the success of the research as it will have a positive effect on the amount of participants that will be willing to get involve and the quality of information that will be gathered throughout the study. The topic is also relevant to social care, in this diverse society social care practitioner in whatever field they choose to work will get in contact and work with immigrant and indigene families in one way or the other also a social care worker will need to understand migrants culture, their needs and challenges that migrant families are facing especially in relation to integration as it is essential for all social care practitioners to support migrants in their community so that they can adjust to their new community. Migrants need to be socially included in their community in order to facilitate integration. Literature Review Cultural integration is the affiliation that exists between different cultural backgrounds that enables people learn about material and in- material culture. It is also a process where people accept or reject the process of change due to globalisation. According to Zwingle, (1999) people need to preserve their own identity however, migrants find it very difficult to balance and maintain their own country of origin culture and religion with their host country. Cultural integration requires that culture of each immigrant group is described in terms of its components and then compared to the host country. (Hagendoorn et al 2003,p.3). The aim of this research is to understand and investigate the cultural integration issues amongst migrants in Clonee, a community in Dublin 15, under the Fingal county council. The population of Fingal county council as at census 2006 is almost 240,000 people and 40,000 are people of ethnic minority (fingal Ethnic Network, 2006). Ireland has become a multi-ethnic society, it has been transformed from a country historically characterised as one of emigration to one of notable immigration in the past two decades. According to the 2002 census, non-nationals accounted for more than seven percent of the population (fanning and Pierce, 2004:3 cited in fanning and Rush 2006 p.94) Ireland has become a multicultural society since the mid 1990s, multiculturalism is a term that is employed in a number of ways which refers to a range of ideas and practices that relate to acknowledgements of and responses to social diversity (Fanning 2002, p.179). Multiculturalism is profoundly problematic where the affording of differential rights to groups within society remains acceptable (Fanning, 2002, p.194-195). People have migrated to Ireland due to different reasons; for different legal status, asylum seeking, programme refugees, migrant workers, and different circumstances for example international students, Irish born child, spouse of someone working for a multi-national corporation and so on.(Fanning and Rush 2006, P.95) Present Ireland is rich in cultures with people from different races and cultures living together. In Ireland presently, there is an assumption that migrants dont integrate, especially integrate culturally with the Irish society. Migrants still hold on to their cultural believes, they find it really difficult to let go for one reason or the other, people are proud of their culture even if they have lived in Ireland for long time. However, Entzinger and Biezeveld, (2003) states that it is normal for most migrant living in a country to culturally identify themselves with their original nationality, even if they regard country of residence as their home. Although in Ireland, there has been racism and discrimination of migrant in the past, the government of Ireland has tried in so many ways to combat this, for example, a national consultative committee on racism and interculturalism was set up by the minister of Justice, Equality and law reform in July 1998 to develop programmes aim at developing an integrated approach to combat racism and discrimination and to support interculturalism. One of the programme which the committee came up with was True Colours initiative which was a two week event which focuses on the inclusion of refugee and asylum seekers, people of colour and ethnic minorities into the society (House of Oireachtas, 2007). The intervention of the department of justice and law reform in 1999 also addressed the issue of integrating migrant which acknowledges that integration is a two way process and that migrant, Irish people and the state have duties and obligation to create a more inclusive society (House of Oireachtas 2007) Integration of migrants requires a willingness to adapt to the lifestyle of Irish society without abandoning ones own cultural identity. Entzinger and Biezeveld, (2003) acknowledged this earlier. When people migrate they take their culture with them. Migrants have different cultures and these cultures are hard to let go even when they are in other countries. For example in Ireland , Irish people going out to pub to socialise, their religion is mainly catholic, they love to celebrate St. Partricks day, they associates green colour with shamrock or leprechaun, while other cultures have different actions and behaviour and these action mean a lot to their identity. Cultures are difficult to let go, it is the way of life of people (Tovey and share, 2003). However, there are differences in the culture and identity of migrants. They identify themselves differently around nationality and ethnic affiliations which make the process of the formulation of community unclear example a group of peo ple who emigrated from Africa would identify themselves as an African community, a child raised in Ireland might prefer to be known as an |African Irish. Some people might prefer to be identified by certain terms based on their experience and the situation they find themselves (Fanning and Rush, 2006). It is impossible for someone who migrated to Ireland to act exactly like an indigene of Ireland. For example in Ireland, Language and religion are the most important cultural attribute which people find very difficult to let go of and Ireland also stresses the importance of migrant retaining their culture and religious heritage as they believe everyone has the right to retain their identity as it makes them feel more at home (Entzinger and Biezeveld 2003) In the world, there are lots of ethnic groups and different ethnic group protect their own culture, history and customs (Macionis and Plummer, 2008). There are five major components of culture: symbols, language, values, norms and material culture. Symbols are anything that carries a particular meaning recognised by people who share cultures. (Macionis and Plummer 2008 P.130) examples of symbols includes a wall of graffiti, a flashing red light and so on. Language is a system of symbols that allows members of a society to communicate with one another. (Macionis and Plummer 2008 P.131). An example includes spoken and written words which vary culturally. Values are the standards people have about what is good and bad, which vary from culture to culture (Macionis and Plummer 2008 P.134).values differ from culture to culture and underlines peoples beliefs. . Cultural values are inconsistent and sometimes contradictory. According to the functionalist sociologist, culture helps to integrat e members and social groups of a society. The functionalist further acknowledges that norms and values of a society creates social bonds which gives stability and coherence in the society (Anderson and Taylor, 2006).Norms are rules and expectations by which a society guides the behaviour of its members. When people break the norms of their society it becomes a threat to the society and members of the society will be dealt with. Examples of norms include queuing, saying thank you and so on. According to research by Integration and social inclusion of Ireland (2009), migrants living in Ireland are faced with some challenges. Living in a new environment is difficult, not to talk about living in a place with no family and friends. Such challenges includes, stereotyping and isolation, difficulty in communication due to English not being their first language, not having a sense of belonging to Ireland, poverty, cultural conflicts, balancing two cultures and unable to access information and participate. Another issue for migrant parents is not having paid jobs which can make it too difficult for them to fend for their families. Poverty is an issue that migrants and asylum seekers are faced with; Fanning, (2006) states that there are limited opportunities and entitlement for migrant. Community development and voluntary sectors aimed at reducing poverty and reducing social exclusion were challenged for the inability to meet up with the needs of migrant. Studies also realised th at the people who worked in most multicultural network where Irish nationals. There were no migrants or foreigners which proved extreme social exclusion (Dublin inner city Partnership 2001 cited in Fanning, 2006). The inflow of people from different countries coming into Ireland with different culture, has brought about integration, both migrant and indigenes especially the government has realise that to live successfully in the country integration is important and so the government in Ireland has developed policies to protect the migrants living in Ireland and also develop policies to ensure integration of the members of the country so as to have a stable and cohesive society. They have tried in lots of ways to stress the importance of migrant retaining their cultural and religious heritage (Enzinger and Biezeveld, (2003) In January 2000, the minister of justice, Equality and Law Reform endorsed the report integration: a two way process. Due to racism and Discrimination, The report emphasised the need to promote integration of refugees and immigrants into the Irish society. In this report, integration is define as the ability to participate to the extent that the person needs and wishes in all the major components of society, without having relinquish his or her cultural identity.(Fanning, 2002 P.107) The government has also developed policy aimed at promoting inclusiveness and at contesting racism faced by the black and ethnic minority communities in Ireland (Fanning 2002 P.108). National action plan against racism 2002-2008 is another strategy created by the government in Ireland , to promote integration in the communities many local authorities funded the plan through partnership with local authorities, community groups and service provider to plan, develop and implement integration and anti racism towards working with minority groups (The department of justice and equality 2011b). There has been controversies weather Ireland is a country that promotes multiculturalism or interculturalism. Share and Tovey, 2003 states that a multicultural society like Australia recognises cultural diversity and appraisal of historical background of immigration while some multicultural society like Britain sees multiculturalism as politically mediated because it emphasises on the struggle of upper and lower class. Furthermore, Tovey and Share, (2003) acknowledges that Ireland promotes interculturalism. Interculturalism means creating policys that promotes integration, understanding and interaction of different cultures through schools, institution and the state. Interculturalism tackles structural inequality and institutional racism. (Share and Tovey 2003, p. ) Integration policy in Ireland is based on an intercultural approach, it gives the migrants, indigenes, organizations, business and the state the rights and responsibilities to work alongside each other (The department of justice and equality. 2011a) for example the yellow flag programme which help provide issues of diversity in schools to ensure staff, student, parent and thee society integrate.(Integration Ireland 2010) Integration and social inclusion of Ireland (2009), notes that migrants living in Ireland faces a lot of challenges out of feeling displaced in the society. It is acknowledged that some migrants suffer low self esteem because of racism and discrimination. Integration Ireland, (2010), fanning (2002) acknowledged that migrants suffer from racism. Though policies have been created around such issues but we cant hide the fact that discrimination still exist in Ireland. Ireland has been criticised for poorly developed immigration policies. This is because Ireland is new to immigration issues and over the past only few migrants lived in Ireland. Castle and Miller, 1998 stated that the experience of migrants is shaped by politics and practice of the society. Mac Einrin 2001 states that there is lack of planning from migrants and political issues have been hostile and discriminatory towards migrants. With the increasing population of migrants in Ireland, Fanning and Rush (2006) critically analysed that there should be effective development of important policies and services and these should respond adequately to the needs and levels of social exclusion or inequality that migrants face like for example, there was absence of ethnicity question in the 2000 census which was not rectified until 2006. They added that there was a dearth of accurate data on demographic or baseline data during the census. Ireland as a country has been undergoing significant changes in social, political and institutional related issues such is the citizenship application. Not until recently did Ireland have a high speed of naturalisation applications granted. Before now, naturalisation took thirty six months to be processed (Integration Ireland 2010). Minister Alan Shatter in 2011 introduced a new citizenship processing reform to reduce the number of backlogs of applications. The new application process no w takes six months (Department of Justice and Equality 2011). Fanning and Rush, (2006) also acknowledged that there has been a shift in the topics and research of immigrants because there has been changes in the policies and development around matters relating to migrants. Research is now based around service provisions, community development, education, criminal justice, work, employment and social exclusion. Formally, research would be based on asylum seeking and human right issues. So we could argue that people are taking residence and more commitment needs to increase in the area of integration. Some migrants have come to Ireland with no or little English language. Migrants inability to express themselves in English has disempowered them. It causes low self esteem, inability to contribute to labour force (social Inclusion, 2011). Family conflict can arise from a parent unable to help with the child homework, unable to interact properly with childrens friends or parents. This can cause isolation of a family. Migrant who could not speak English would most of the time depend on their children to interpret. However, the integration and social inclusion Ireland (2011) says learning English makes life in Ireland less stressful and so socialising with Irish and making friends becomes easy, and so opportunities for employment and training will be created. Migrant will be able to find and get jobs thereby increasing their self -esteem and self-worth. Some Migrant feel isolated because they feel they are not part of the society as they miss families and friends who can give them a sense of belonging. Integration Ireland, (2010) acknowledge this on an interview with a student from Mauritius. He stated he was happy but always felt sad returning to Ireland whenever he visited home. Migrants find it difficult to maintain their culture and religion and so integration becomes so difficult for them. Findings have shown that there are different views to integration issues in Ireland. Some migrants feel that integration of migrants is difficult, most migrant feel very unsafe in the society, so they restrict themselves in the society because of racism and discrimination. This hinders them from engaging in lot of programmes, and finding a job for such migrants is also difficult (Integration Ireland 2010). On the other hand, some migrants acknowledged that integration in Ireland is easy as people are friendly and love socializing but they still feel more comfortable in their home country. Due to the increase in the number of ethnic minority in the fingal county council, integration policy need to be put in place, monitored and effectively developed to ensure a culturally integrated society (Fingal Ethnic network, 2011) Fingal ethnic network is a programme that help migrant integrate into the community, it encourages a forum of diverse group to speak as one, to develop coherent plan and purposes on reflection of social cultural and economic need of migrant in the community. Fingal Ethnic network influence, plan and inform policy to encourage participation of network members and also to learn from other peoples experience and theirs. They give feedback to and from their net work about policies and initiatives that concern migrant on a local and national level. They have created avenue for integration through workshops and events (Fingal Ethnic network 2011). The Fingal county council have helped in raising awareness on cultural integration. There are lots of activities put in place to encourage cultural integration like given grants under the Art Act 2003 for community culture, sports and festivals. People show off their culture, by dressing up, displaying foods, souvenirs, life music, and there are opportunities to ask questions. The criteria for this grant is that the activity most take place within the Fingal county council, must stimulate interest within the community, promote appreciation and practices of members of the community to ensure it improves the quality of life of all members of the fingal county community and finally contribute positively to the cultural life of Fingal county council. Another programme is the youth sport grant, which primarily focuses on sport for young people in Fingal county council to ensure people are socially and culturally included in the community. This grant is funded by the Irish sport council through the Fingal county council. (Fingal county council 2010) The office of the minister of integration in December 2010 supported the Fingal integration funding scheme which is a scheme used to assist new or established project or initiative to support integration under this scheme, applicant must promote, support the integration and participation of migrants in the social economic, political and cultural life of members of the Fingal county council community. The initiative should support legal migrant, promote dialogue, interaction and understanding within members of the wider community. The initiative should also promote intercultural events at a local level and must support local labour market. For example, The Grantmakers concerned with immigration and refugees, (2008) says Integration contribute to a diverse and enriched society, as society gets more cohesive as people understand cultural differences and beliefs thereby helping the economic productivity and performance Methodology Gathering information Information regarding cultural integration was sought from members of Clonee community in Dublin 15. A participatory in depth interview was carried out with Parents and Guardians from different nationalities and works of life with different culture and educational background regarding cultural integration issues. Information was sought from four members in the community. (A polish, an Irish, a Congolese, a Ghanaian, and a Nigeria). Participants were chosen from different street in clonee. The researcher had to knock on peoples door after official hours to explain her research. Some people agreed to be part of it and others refuse to be part. The researcher chose people that understand a bit of English language for easy interaction out of those who agreed to participate although the researcher made sure simple words were used to ask the questitions and take time to explain terms anyone found difficult to understand. The participants were approached mostly at home after working hours i n the comfort of their own homes to ensure they are relaxed and comfortable. The method proved a little difficult because the timing was a bit awkward, it was also stressful as the researcher had to walk from one house to the other to conduct the interview. Although the informal interview was not more than thirty minutes for each participant it went on for about two weeks as pinning down and getting access to participant proved a little difficult. Most of the participants were from Africa while the others were from Europe. There were three female participants and one male participants. The participants age range were between 25 years to 45 years. Three of the participants were asylum seekers who now have resident permit (stamp 4), one is a programme refugee (person admitted to Ireland under family reunification programme), one a migrant workers and the last participant was an Irish by birth most of these participants are professionals in different fields. Participant 1 was a doctor, participant 2, was a nurse, participant 3 was a social care worker, participant 4 was a taxi driver, The researcher made sure she assures the participant of anonymity and confidentiality. Design There are two main types of research methodology namely qualitative and quantitative methodology. A quantitative research is based on evidence that is factually collected through surveys and questionnaires. However, in this research, the researchers chose a qualitative research method.The researcher felt the qualitative research method is more adequate and suitable for the research topic at